Illustrations of political economy, Volume 1 (of 9) — Key Ideas to Explore
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tes in the world more delightful to live in than that of the south of Africa. The air of the mountains behind the Cape of Good Hope is pure and wholesome, and the plains which stretch out towards the north at a great height above the sea, are fertile in native plants when uncultivated, and richly repay the toil of the farmer. The woods are remarkable for the variety of trees and shrubs, and there are as many animals which may serve for food or for beasts of burden as in this country. These advantages would lead numbers of our countrymen to settle in southern Africa, who now go elsewhere, if it were not for one great drawback. It is not that there are beasts of prey; for lions, leopards, and panthers, may be kept away from a settlement by the use of proper precautions: it is that a race of men, more fierce than wild beasts, and full of cunning, inhabit the mountains on the northern frontier of the European settlements, and descend, from time to time, upon the lonely farms or small villages scattered over the plain, and slaughter the inhabitants, burn their dwellings, and carry off their cattle and their goods. It is nearly impossible to guard against the attacks of these savages; and as a considerable force is required to resist them, it is no wonder that settlers are disposed to sacrifice many advantages of climate, soil, and productions, rather than be subject to the continual dread of a visit from the Bushmen, as these people are called. The settlements towards the northern frontier are therefore few and small, and consist of those whose poverty induces them to brave danger, and whose courage is improved by constant exercise.
The Bushmen were the original possessors of much of the country about the Cape, which the British and the Dutch have since taken for their own. The natives were hunted down like so many wild beasts. This usage naturally made them fierce and active in their revenge. The hardships they have undergone have affected their bodily make also; and their short stature and clumsy form are not, as some suppose, a sufficient proof that they are of an inferior race to the men they make war upon. If we may judge by the experiments which have been tried upon the natives of various countries, it seems probable that if Europeans were driven from their homes into the mountains, and exposed to the hardships of a savage life, they would become stunted in their forms, barbarous in their habits, and cruel in their revenge. They might, like the Bushmen, visit the sins of the first invaders upon their innocent successors, and cause as much undeserved distress as that we are about to relate.
It was in the month of September—a season of extreme heat in the climate we have described—when the inhabitants of a small British settlement in the north of the European territories of South Africa, met to consider what should be done to relieve the want to which they were suddenly reduced. The evening before, their village looked thriving, and its inhabitants gay and prosperous; and now, just when morning had dawned, they assembled to look on the ruin of their habitations, and the nakedness of their meadows, from which all the cattle had been driven away. The savages had carried off their tools and their arms, burned their little furniture with the houses, and left them nothing but the clothes they wore, and the seed which was buried in the ground. Happily, but few lives were lost, for the attack had been so sudden, that little resistance had been attempted: but yet some were gone whose services could ill be spared, even if they had not attached their companions to them by having shared the same toils, or by their several good qualities. Williams, the carpenter, was found dead among the ashes in the saw-pit; and Humby had been slaughtered on the threshold of the new hut he was building on his little farm. Some of the children, too, had perished in the flames; but the loss of life was found to be much less than every one had supposed before the numbers were called over. The most general and eager inquiries were for the safety of Captain Adams, and of Mr. and Mrs. Stone and their child, who were all alive and unhurt.
Harriet Martineau opens her preface with a direct claim: in an enlightened nation, every science has its followers. She positions political economy as a field deserving the same systematic study as divinity, natural philosophy, or history. The volume then presents three self-contained tales, each with its own title page and pagination, bound together by a shared didactic purpose. The first story, Life in the Wilds, begins with a chapter titled “What have they left us?”—a question that immediately signals loss and resource scarcity. Martineau’s method is to embed economic concepts within concrete situations: a theft, a sermon, a community’s reaction. The excerpts show her using dialogue and observation rather than direct lecture, as when the character Paul reflects that “scarcely any two find their chief satisfaction in the same pursuit.”
A Preface That Sets the Terms
Martineau’s preface is not a mere formality; it establishes the intellectual framework for the entire volume. She argues that political economy, like other sciences, has been pursued by “men of all ranks and every shade of opinion,” yet its principles remain unfamiliar to many. Her stated aim is to make these principles accessible through narrative. The preface does not summarize the tales but instead justifies the project: fiction can illustrate abstract laws by embedding them in recognizable human situations. This opening section rewards careful reading because it reveals Martineau’s confidence in her method and her awareness of her audience’s potential resistance. She does not apologize for teaching; she asserts the value of clear, applied knowledge.
The Sermon Scene as a Microcosm
In Life in the Wilds, a key excerpt describes a field sermon where the text is “Thou shalt not steal.” The character Armstrong, who has been robbed, listens with “extraordinary eagerness” and then rises to stand beside the preacher, scanning the crowd. Martineau uses this moment to explore how individuals interpret moral teaching through their own circumstances. Armstrong’s suspicion that the thieves came from outside the iron-works community is a detail that hints at class and occupational divisions. The preacher Paul later remarks that “we should each have a sermon to ourselves,” acknowledging that a single message cannot address every listener’s situation. This scene demonstrates Martineau’s technique of using a public event to expose private anxieties and social tensions, all while advancing an economic lesson about property and trust.
Character as Economic Type
Martineau populates her tales with characters whose primary traits align with economic roles or attitudes. In the excerpt, Paul categorizes his fellow settlers by their dominant interests: Jones is “always thinking about establishing his sons well in the world,” his wife is absorbed in domestic comfort, and the Davisons seek pleasure in “a glass of spirits.” These are not fully rounded individuals but representative figures, each embodying a particular relationship to labor, consumption, or ambition. The reader is invited to see how these differing priorities shape decisions about work, saving, and community cooperation. Martineau’s dialogue often serves to contrast these positions, as when Paul argues that the pure in heart are blessed while acknowledging that not everyone shares that pursuit. The effect is a narrative that feels like a series of case studies, each illustrating a principle of political economy through lived example.
Structure as Pedagogy
The volume’s organization is itself instructive. Each of the three tales is divided into nine to twelve chapters with titles that often pose questions or state themes: “What is Wealth?”, “Earn your Bread before you eat it,” “Much may come of Little.” These headings function as lesson titles, guiding the reader’s expectations. Within each tale, Martineau moves from a problem (theft, a whim, political disagreement) through a series of complications to a resolution that reaffirms economic principles. The excerpts show that she uses repetition and variation: a sermon on stealing, a conversation about different pursuits, a character’s suspicious gaze. These recurring motifs reinforce the didactic message without requiring the reader to absorb abstract theory. For a first reading, paying attention to chapter titles and the way each tale opens with a concrete incident will help trace the argument Martineau is building across the volume.
Martineau’s fiction asks readers to observe how economic principles operate in daily life—through choices about work, spending, trust, and community. The three tales in this volume reward attention to small details: a character’s reaction to a sermon, a household’s priorities, a community’s response to loss. Reading with an eye for these moments will reveal the practical lessons embedded in the narrative. The preface provides the key: these stories are meant to make political economy visible, not to replace it.
Sometimes a book stays with me less for its story than for how its people wrestle with choices they can't fully control. That's how I felt with Harriet Martineau's first volume, especially Life in the Wilds—the quiet way communities bend under need. Reading Wilhelmina in London — Context and Discussion brought that same ache back, like remembering a friend's worried face across a crowded room. It lingers gently, not asking anything of me.
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